CO129-143 - Sir MacDonnell - 1870 [1-2] — Page 255

The introduction of Railways and Telegraphs into China would, we are convinced, be attended with far greater advantages than any other improvements. The vast resources of the Chinese Empire are more likely to be developed by Railways than by any other means; and we do not believe that any insuperable difficulties would be met with in establishing them. The Chinese are undoubtedly a self-sufficient and prejudiced race, so fully impressed with the conviction of their own superiority as to be inclined to consider any improvement in their antiquated institutions as impossible; but on the other hand, they are eminently shrewd and practical and easily adapt themselves to altered circumstances. Where in a position to do so, they have most readily availed themselves of the facilities afforded by the Coast and River steamers for travelling from Port to Port; and we do not entertain a doubt that they will just as eagerly make use of Railways and Telegraphs when introduced. The fact that permission has been conceded by the Mikado of Japan for the formation of a Railway in the neighbourhood of Yeddo, is an additional reason for urging on the Chinese Government the importance of granting a similar privilege.

It is possible that there may at first be some local opposition, and the superstitious dread of irritating the Fung-Shuey may give rise to partial disturbances; but we feel assured that by judicious management all such would soon be allayed; and we should see the natives of China crowd the trains as numerously as do the inhabitants of India, who are fully as superstitious, and who have moreover their caste distinctions to contend with. It is no mere selfish spirit that we so strongly advocate the introduction of steamers and railways; we should undoubtedly derive great advantages from the increased Trade which would inevitably ensue; but the benefits to China would be infinitely greater. The vast resources of the country would rapidly be developed; its coal and other mineral treasures would be brought to light; and its artificial productions improved and multiplied.

We do not wish to enter here upon a discussion as to the abstract right that one country has to close her Ports to other Nations, and rigorously to exclude from her territory all Foreigners, whatever may be their motives in visiting her; because it is manifest that such isolation is virtually impossible in this age. Besides, our intercourse with China is far too extensive, and too long established for her rulers now to strive to curtail or restrict it.

We have high duties cast upon us by the position that Great Britain occupies in the East; and when we behold a vast country overflowing with natural wealth, teeming with an industrious and intelligent population, and yet sunk in political and social degradation; suffering from constant and extensive outbreaks, and with perpetually recurring famines devastating its largest Provinces; we must ask ourselves, can nothing be done to change its state, and improve the condition of its inhabitants? We ought to take the lead here; it is for us gradually to introduce the various mechanical appliances which have made England what she is, and so, by developing the resources of China, increasing her material wealth, and introducing our civilization, raise her in the scale of nations, and elevate the political, social and moral condition of her people.

The 11th Article of the Treaty provides for the opening of several additional Ports, one of which however—Kiungchow, in Hainan—remains closed. We see no reason why the Chinese Government should have been permitted, for over eleven years, the Treaty having been signed at Tientsin in June, 1858, to leave this clause partly unfulfilled. We believe that Kiungchow would be of great advantage as a Port, especially to Hongkong, as it would be the means of opening to foreign trade the large and fertile Island of Hainan, and the adjoining Provinces, from which extensive and valuable imports would certainly be derived. The position moreover of Hainan, and its vicinity to Tonquin and Annam render of the first importance the retention of the only Treaty Port which exists on the Western coast of China.

The most important however of the Articles, and the one, from the glaring and systematic violation of which we have most suffered, is the 28th; by which it was provided that British Imports, which had paid the Tariff Duty, should be conveyed into the interior free of all further charges except a Transit Duty, which was not to exceed two and a half per cent, on the Tariff value. The Merchants of every Port in China, have loudly and constantly complained of the manner in which, in the teeth of this clause, heavy Duties have regularly been imposed upon foreign imports on their way to the interior from the place where landed. In some Ports—Canton and Foochow, for instance—they have become so excessive as virtually to put a stop to the importation of British goods at either of those places.

In all the Ports the charges levied under various names, have been largely in excess of the Duty imposed by the Treaty; and the natural result has been that our Trade with China has never attained the dimensions which the makers of the Treaty anticipated, and which would have ensued, if the Transit Duty had not been so arbitrarily and improperly increased. This grievance is the greater because of the difficulty of devising any plan by which the local Mandarins can be prevented from extorting these illegal charges. It is therefore an additional reason for again impressing upon your Lordship the importance of insisting on the strict observance by the Chinese Government of the 9th and 10th clauses before referred to; with liberty of residence in the interior, under proper restrictions; and with the more rapid means of locomotion that steamers and railways would supply, foreign merchants would not be so completely at the mercy of corrupt Chinese officials as they unfortunately are at present.

Before leaving this branch of the subject, we must remind your Lordship that British Merchants have, on the faith that Her Majesty's Government would insist upon the Treaty being honestly carried out by the Chinese Government, sunk an immense amount of capital at the open Ports, in reclaiming the concession lands, and in building houses and godowns; and have besides expended vast sums of money in making the necessary preparations for the increased trade, which it was naturally anticipated would result from the Treaty; and which would undoubtedly have ensued, but for the misconduct of the Chinese, and the leniency with which their bad faith has been regarded by the British Government.

It is also worthy of remark that, under the Order of the Queen in Council, promulgated in March, 1865, for the government of Her Majesty's subjects in China and Japan, severe penalties are imposed on British subjects for violating certain stipulations in the Treaty; moreover, a simple process has been instituted for bringing such offenders to justice; and the consular court have been given great powers in dealing with them. Every safeguard, in fact, is enjoyed by the Chinese, while we are virtually without a remedy for the breaches of the Treaty from which we suffer.

The British residents here and at the Treaty ports had shown singular unanimity in bringing under Sir Rutherford Alcock's notice the grievances of which they complained; and it was therefore with no ordinary anxiety that they awaited promulgation of the alterations proposed to be effected in the provisions of the Treaty of Tientsin. These have recently been made public; and great disappointment has been felt by all the foreign communities in China, at the nature and the amount of changes contemplated by the British Government. We had expected that some stringent means would have been devised to put a stop to further evasions or violations by the Chinese of any portion of the Treaty; we had ventured to hope that some weight would have been attached to our just and continued complaints; and had thought that, in altering the Convention, more regard would have been shown to our interests and representations, than to ...

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